Part 8 

Antigua and Barbuda Crisis: Social and Economic Dilemma

By Kwame Nkosi Romeo

The problem of racial injustice and economic injustice cannot be solved without a radical redistribution of political and economic power" - Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

The surge in COVID-19 deaths anguishes Antigua and Barbuda's people as many demand governance do the right thing: lockdown the country. However, the Antigua Labour Party (ALP) financial policy of PM Gaston Browne continues to put economic interest above people's well-being. Simultaneously, threatening workers either take the COVID-19 vaccine jab or leave a job.

The twin-island nation is edging towards a health peril, while Browne ignores the rising death numbers. No one must allow Browne's threatening language of intimidation to work against the social cohesion for change.

Antigua and Barbuda's dreary COVID-19 figures 14 deaths and 636 confirmed cases with a Case Fatality Rate (CFR) of 2.20, which is higher than Barbados, 31 deaths, 2,852 confirmed cases CFR 1.09, St. Lucia's 32 deaths 3,142 confirmed cases CFR 1.02 percent. This expected fear source was a low priority during the Antigua and Barbuda budget debate on February 11, 2021. (COVID-19 data as of February 23, 2021)

Instead, ALP MP Asot Michael was the focus of public attention. The spotlight details the tangle of two senior ALP politicians, Browne and Michael, at a political crisis point. Browne accused Michael of being corrupt, intimating the wealth comes from bribery. Michael erupts angrily by provoking doubt about the source of Browne's fantasized US$30 million wealth before the 2014 election, blowing the whistle on the partisan Integrity Commission. A precedent of ALP tradition continues with the saga involving land profiteering.

Who owns the 350 acres of the Corbkinnons Project?

In truth, time is long overdue for a radical redistribution of economic power that brings about a paradigm shift of monumental proportions. Let's prohibit the financiers and buccaneer capitalists from exploiting our nation's resources, capitalizing on dubious projects, and land thievery.

Norman Wexelman was the professional intermediary to convert the government 350 acres encompassing Corbison Point and McKinnon's land into former PM Lester Bird and comrades' private interest. This 1986 so-called development was the Corbkinnons Project, a public, private partnership (PPP) undertaking involving the ALP government, Devcon, and Antigua Aggregates. One of many PPPs prone to abuse by crooked politicians and their business associates in that particular area. 

Devcon was to develop the Corbinons real property of 280 acres or 12,196,800 million sq ft, but this was never fulfilled. However, Bird used public property- Corbkinnons Ltd to guarantee government debt owed to Devcon.

These lands are now in Ocean Grand's possession. The government plays a significant role, along with the developers—selling this land on the international market with plots starting price and sq ft at $375,000 and 8000 sq ft according to luxury locations. This project registered under Corbkinnons Ltd is one of many businesses approved by the Citizen by Investment Unit (CIU). The hawking of the nation's passport is fulfilling these venturers of bungalows on the northeast of Antigua and other shady ventures granting rights to perpetuity.

A case in point is the Corbkinnons project, which is in the hands of Norman Wexelman's sons, Stuart and Howard Wexelman of Florida. Should this theft of public property be allowed? 

This project is one of many ALP scheming undertakings during the 1980s; thousands of acres of land switched from public to private hands from Palmetto Point to Nonesuch Bay. Many other real estate swindlings from Royal Antiguan to Marina Bay Hotel and Condos were publicized in several reports and Devcon International United States Security Exchange and Commission (USSEC) filing.  The 1980s was the decade of land theft that facilitated public funds' rip-off by companies such as Deep Bay Development Company (DBDC).

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported DBDC's debt burden loaded on the backs of the people of Antigua and Barbuda: 

Deep Bay Company owes a large part of the public sector external debt to the Italian export credit guarantee agency (more than 40 percent of total external arrears) on a loan to construct the Royal Antiguan Hotel. (Antigua and Barbuda: Recent Economic Development, volume/issue 1995/45)     

In addition to this revelation, on September 17, 1996, ALP Finance Minister either Lester Bird or John St. Luce borrowed US$59,314,183 million (EC$160,148,296 million) from a local Financial Institution for various business ventures", including The Royal Antiguan Hotel (RAH) and Deep Bay Development Company Limited (DBDC). 

Again, these two infamous private companies belonging to Lester Bird establish a conflict of interest. Both companies secured $20.4 million in government funding. (Loan (Financial Institutions) Act, 1996)

Did the principals of RAH and DBDC pocket these funds? 

Since Devcon US SEC Form 10-K December 31, 2000, Amendment No. ,9 pages 3 of 23 (b) provided further information and clarification regarding DBDC promissory notes. The DBDC promissory notes dating as far back as 1989 & 1993 include a  principal balance of  855,803, an interest balance of 777,807, and a total balance of US$1,633,610 million. Devcon uses the crafty tax exemption against Antigua Government Promissory notes instead of debiting DBDC: 

"... arising from ADCs contract with Dr. Alfred Erhart for the development of the Jolly Harbor Project.''

These historic rip-offs continued. One such reminder was R. Allen Stanford's cryptic message to the St. Lucia Chamber of Commerce on enslavement and corporate robbery that existed since the days of Christopher Columbus to British Colonization:

".....who come to our debt-ridden, small, island nations, which are desperate for foreign investment and, in simple terms, rob them." 

The ALP deprived local people of wealth generation. Stanford did the same damn thing, employing public officials' bully tactics to undermine Austin Lapp's acquisition of 0.6 acres of land at the airport by occupying these 0.6 acres one year before the government authorized a registered lease. Lapps occupied 0.6 acres for 25 years while awaiting the 99-year lease and died without getting justice. Additionally, within the same vicinity, 25.59 acres were sold to Stanford in February 2003 at a concessionary price of US$0.407 (EC$1.10) per square foot. The Hon Albert Redhead views Stanford's action and the use of State power against Austin Lapps as unlawful:

"..the fact that the appellant is a rich and powerful banking institution which appeared to have used its wealth and its access to uniformed police officers of the Police Department to assist it in its unlawful eviction.."

Justice Redhead dismissed Stanford's appeal and awarded the cost to Lapps of US$3,703.70 (EC$10,000.00). ( (Stanford International Bank Limited v Austin Lapps (Appeal No. 19 of 2005). 

Stanford proceeded to the UK Privy Council; the Privy Council judgment delivered by Lord Scott of Foscote on November 20, 2006, was in Stanford's favor. Suddenly, Cabinet Secretary Lionel Stevens's affidavit on June 14, 2002, found its way to the Privy Council to bolster Stanford's case and seal Lapps' fate. Stevens's testimony lacked a kernel of truth:

"Based on my research and my own personal knowledge, there is [not] and never was any agreement between the Government of Antigua and Barbuda and Mr. Austin Lapps wherein the Government agreed to lease or otherwise dispose of lands at Coolidge now described as Registration Section: Barnes Hill & Coolidge, Block: 41 2094A, Parcel: 384 or any part thereof [to] Mr. Lapps." -Report of Investigation -Case No. OIG.-526-March 31, 2010

Where was this fraudulent sworn statement all the time? The big money and political collaboration of foreign interest won over black indigenous Antigua & Barbuda's land rights. Stanford's action would have repeated consequences; the PLH now has leasehold rights to Barbuda's land! 

Lapps lost the case because of ALP trickery, and a loophole of lies contributed to Lapp's loss and Stanford's gain. Stanford had a tremendous influence on former PM Lester Bird, so the government facilitated any activity:

"Around that time, Mr. Stanford had also become an adviser to Lester Bird, then Antigua's prime minister, who formed a banking advisory board to clean up the country's image. Mr. Stanford's bank was the largest bank regulated by the board. The project was paid for by the Antiguan government from money lent or granted by Mr. Stanford. "

The United Progressive Party (UPP) defeated the ALP on March 23, 2004, and readily exposed former PM Lester Bird's financial corruption. UPP Finance Minister Dr. Errol Cort's budget speech in 2005 refers to DBDC's squandering of public funds during ALP's tenure in office from 1976 to 2004; "The infamous Deep Bay debt of approximately $600 million on the Royal Antiguan Hotel will be substantially reduced." 

These puppeteers behind the grand corruption of land theft lay low after being defeated by the UPP in 2004.  

After two election losses, ALP regained power, winning the election on June 12, 2014, under PM Gaston Browne's leadership, instantly Browne allocated Birds' crooked companies to the Minister of Tourism portfolio: Newport Antigua Ltd (NAL), Antigua Isle Company Ltd (AICL), Deep Bay Development Company (DBDC), Corbkinnons Limited. 

Not to mention, the UPP failed to inflict a penalty on Bird's rapacious greed.

Who knew about Devcon International's association with the ALP government? Wexelman collected NAL rent, AICL, DBDC, and Corbkinnons belonging to Bird and top-ranking political associates.

There are two cases involving AICL. CLAIM NO: ANUHCV2006/0326 2008: March 10 October 8 The history of these claims publicizes  Bird businesses and landholding interest in Court Claim No.  ANUHCV2006/0326 Clarabell Investment Company Ltd - Paul Sudolski vs. Antigua Island Company Limited -Rupert Sterling: trespass to land issues. Sterling used the unfavorable language of former PM Lester Bird's autocratic power against the claimant's continued existence. Antigua Isle Company Limited's principal associate, Lester Bird, never debates this, leaving Sterling to oppose the claim. The claimant, Paul Sudolski, won!

Next, the claimant Cove Hotel (Antigua) Limited v.s defendant PM Gaston Browne CLAIM NO. ANUHCV2016/0090 2017: October 23, 2018: Concerning 25 acres of land, the government acquired 12 of the 25 acres for a public purpose. Why was State Power used to safeguard AICL's misdeed and Bird's misuse of public office during his tenure?

Halcyon Cove by Rex Resorts controlled the 25-acre leasehold rights but, pressured by the ALP government to renegotiate, relinquished the 12 acres. Halcyon Cove agreed to the government's rental payments before losing the 12 acres. 

According to authoritative instruction, the monies owed by Halcyon Cove were not to be paid to Antigua and Barbuda's Accountant General. Still, to AICL: "....that payment should be reissued payable to Antigua Isle Company Ltd."

The payment was revised and the payoff to the ALP schemers was complete! This money and land belonging to the people must be returned and the perpetrators charged.